En fait, une transition s'opère de la principauté à l'État princier. Le cas le plus typique est celui de l'État bourguignon. Les premiers ducs valois de Bourgogne possèdent les comtés de Flandre, d'Artois et de Bourgogne (Franche-Comté). Puis, sous Philippe le Bon, leurs possessions s'étendent aux Pays-Bas. Elles vont de la pointe du Helder au comté de Mâcon, mais la Lorraine sépare les deux parties de leur vaste État. Les ducs de Bourbon font l'acquisition du Forez, du Beaujolais, de l'Auvergne. L'État breton développe son organisation administrative, et ses maîtres s'intitulent « ducs par la grâce de Dieu ». Dans le Midi, le vicomte de Béarn affirme sa « souveraineté ». Les comtes d'Armagnac s'efforcent de reconstituer une principauté semblable à celle qui existait à l'époque carolingienne.
La royauté française prend conscience, dès Charles VII (1422/1461), du danger princier, qui éclate lors de la Praguerie (soulèvement des princes en février 1440, mis en échec par l'armée royale). Louis XI doit faire face à deux États princiers renforcés : l'État bourguignon et l'État breton. Le premier s'effondre après la mort de Charles le Téméraire, à Nancy, en 1477. Le problème breton ne se résout, après des périodes de guerre, que par le mariage de Charles VIII et d'Anne de Bretagne, en 1491. Seuls subsistent, sous François Ier, les domaines de la famille gasconne d'Albret, qui fait sa soumission, le Béarn, qui ne pose pas de problèmes en raison de sa position géographique, et les possessions bourbonnaises. Avec ces dernières, le conflit royauté-principauté a été retardé du fait que les Beaujeu, durant la minorité de Charles VIII (1483/1491), gouvernaient à la fois la France et l'État bourbonnais. Mais le connétable de Bourbon, Charles III, est entraîné dans un conflit avec François Ier et sa mère, Louise de Savoie. Il n'est pas en mesure de résister à leur action, qui va dans le sens du renforcement monarchique et de l'unification du royaume. Sa fuite, en 1523, sur les terres de l'Empire, est l'ultime péripétie de la lutte entre royauté et principautés. Malgré la persistance de conflits entre les rois et les grands du royaume, le problème des principautés est définitivement réglé.
Pritchard (affaire),
épisode de la rivalité franco-britannique dans le Pacifique pendant la monarchie de Juillet.
Missionnaire protestant britannique à Tahiti depuis 1824, George Pritchard devient consul et s'oppose énergiquement, avec le soutien de la reine Pomaré IV, aux visées des Français menés par l'amiral Dupetit-Thouars. Lorsque Tahiti et les îles Marquises deviennent protectorats français (1842), Pritchard tente de résister. Il est mis en état d'arrestation et brutalement jeté en prison (1843). Expulsé de Tahiti, il rentre à Londres pour dénoncer l'affront dont il a été victime. L'opinion publique anglaise, relayée par le gouvernement, exige réparation. En France, le président du Conseil Guizot choisit la conciliation, pour ne pas mettre en péril le rapprochement en cours entre Louis-Philippe et la reine Victoria : s'il refuse de revenir sur l'expulsion du missionnaire britannique, il veut bien exprimer ses regrets sur les traitements qu'il a subis et il fait adopter l'idée d'une indemnité. Les opposants de droite et de gauche au régime de Juillet considèrent ce geste comme une humiliante reculade, et les débats à la Chambre prouvent la fragilité de la majorité gouvernementale. L'anglophobie française se nourrit de cette crise, dans un contexte de fragilisation de l'Entente cordiale et de rivalités coloniales. Nombreux sont alors les Français qui dénoncent l'attitude du régime et des députés (les « pritchardistes ») qui ont voté l'indemnité.
privatisations.
Des transferts à des actionnaires privés de parts de capital d'entreprises détenues par l'État sont mis en œuvre à partir de 1986 ; ces opérations consacrent le désengagement de l'État de la sphère productive.
En France, le poids du secteur public se trouve considérablement renforcé par les nationalisations de février 1982. Mais la légitimité de l'État patron est aussitôt contestée : par la droite, attachée au libéralisme économique et au respect des règles de la concurrence ; par les lois du marché, qui vont à l'encontre des ambitions sociales des entreprises nationalisées ; par les mutations du capitalisme international, favorables au retrait de l'État de la sphère économique. Dès 1984, la gauche elle-même prend acte de ce retournement, en alignant, peu ou prou, la gestion des entreprises publiques sur celles du secteur privé. Redevenue majoritaire, la droite va plus loin : les deux lois de privatisation de juillet 1986 (gouvernement de Jacques Chirac) et de juillet 1993 (gouvernement d'Édouard Balladur) remettent en cause, non seulement les nationalisations de 1982, mais celles réalisées par le général de Gaulle à la Libération. Ainsi, l'État se désengage du secteur industriel concurrentiel comme de celui du crédit. Peu contestées par une gauche idéologiquement affaiblie, qui revenue au pouvoir en 1997 en effectue même un certain nombre, les privatisations rencontrent un fort succès populaire, bien qu'à deux reprises, en 1987 et en 1994, le retournement de la Bourse en ralentisse le rythme. Toutefois, l'avenir des grands services publics, dont le monopole est contesté par les institutions européennes, soulève certaines interrogations : quelles doivent être les limites de l'économie de marché, dont la progression depuis le milieu des années 1980 semble irrésistible ?
privilèges,
droits ou avantages dont disposent des individus ou des groupes dans la société d'Ancien Régime.
Une marqueterie de lois.
• Le régime social d'avant la Révolution est, juridiquement, fondé sur l'inégalité. La règle générale est alors l'exception, et la diversité règne en tous domaines. De ce fait, la grande majorité des Français dispose de privilèges, dont certains sont très limités et d'autres, considérables. Le royaume est une marqueterie de leges privatae (« lois privées ») - qui a donné le terme « privilèges » -, souvent désignées par les mots « franchises » ou « libertés ». Deux critères sont décisifs dans la répartition de ces privilèges : l'état social, tout d'abord, lié à la naissance (noblesse héréditaire) ou à la fonction (clergé, officiers royaux) ; la localisation géographique, ensuite. La société d'Ancien Régime est donc constituée d'un ensemble de corps et de communautés qui disposent, chacun, de règles de fonctionnement spécifiques, les individus étant soumis aux leges privatae des groupes auxquels ils se rattachent. Les privilèges sont soit entérinés par la monarchie (par exemple, lors du rattachement d'une province), soit directement octroyés par elle.
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