Les événements de mai 68 révèlent la fracture qui sépare la police de la société civile. Les Compagnies républicaines de sécurité (CRS), héritières des Groupes mobiles de réserve (GMR) créés en 1941, ont polarisé sur elles de vieilles rancunes qui remontent peut-être aux origines mêmes et aux missions étatiques de la police.
Mal aimée, la police de la fin du XXe siècle se transforme profondément au fil des évolutions sociales. Elle s'adapte à de nouvelles formes de criminalité, comme le piratage informatique et les réseaux mafieux à l'échelle mondiale. Elle joue un rôle important de prévention dans les banlieues par l'îlotage, qui rappelle l'une des fonctions des inspecteurs du XVIIIe siècle : le ravaudage du tissu social. Elle évolue également vers des missions internationales, malgré les obstacles importants que rencontre Interpol.
Sa chance serait-elle de voir faiblir le lien exclusif la liant à l'État depuis l'origine ? La charte européenne signée par quinze pays à Strasbourg en novembre 1992 lui assigne une mission « au service de la loi et de la société, non à celui des gouvernements ». S'il en allait réellement ainsi, l'image de la police gardienne du pouvoir s'atténuerait au profit de celle de protectrice du citoyen. La réalité pourrait alors rejoindre l'imaginaire cinématographique et télévisuel centré sur le « bon flic de base », bourru mais humain, qui lutte autant contre le crime que contre sa propre hiérarchie pour assainir la ville malade et troublée du début du XXIe siècle.
Polignac (Jules, prince de),
homme politique (Versailles 1780 - Paris 1847).
Dernier président du Conseil des ministres de la Restauration, Polignac est aussi le principal responsable de la chute - définitive - des Bourbons, en 1830.
Fils de Gabrielle de Polastron, comtesse puis duchesse de Polignac, favorite de la reine Marie-Antoinette, Polignac prend avec sa famille le chemin de l'émigration dès 1789. Rentré en France, il adhère à la Congrégation (1801) de l'abbé Delpuits ainsi qu'à la société secrète des Chevaliers de la foi (1810), dont il sera l'un des principaux dirigeants. Compromis dans la conspiration de Cadoudal contre Bonaparte en 1802, il est condamné à deux ans de prison et détenu jusqu'à son évasion en janvier 1814 ; il prend part au soulèvement royaliste de Bordeaux en mars. Puis, au lendemain des Cent-Jours, il est nommé pair de France (août 1815) et promu prince romain par le pape Pie VII (1820) ; il appartient au cercle ultraroyaliste de Monsieur, frère du roi, futur Charles X, aspire à un retour à la monarchie absolue et réprouve les concessions libérales inscrites par Louis XVIII dans la Charte. Ambassadeur de France à Londres de 1823 à 1829, il négocie en 1827 l'accord qui conduira à l'indépendance de la Grèce.
Le 8 août 1829, au lendemain de la disgrâce du très politique Martignac, le roi Charles X le rappelle à Paris pour le nommer ministre des Affaires étrangères au sein d'un ministère de combat (il en assume la présidence en novembre). La ligne ultraroyaliste du ministère scelle contre lui l'alliance des libéraux et des constitutionnels modérés : le 2 mars 1830, Royer-Collard lit une adresse de défiance approuvée par une majorité de 221 députés. Sur le conseil de Polignac, le roi dissout la Chambre le 16 mai. Mais, malgré une expédition militaire réussie contre le dey d'Alger, destinée à regagner la faveur de l'opinion publique, les élections des 23 juin et 3 juillet renvoient à la Chambre une majorité d'opposants. Polignac fait alors signer au roi les quatre ordonnances du 26 juillet 1830, véritable coup d'État contre les institutions parlementaires. Elles précipitent l'insurrection parisienne des Trois Glorieuses et la chute de Charles X. Arrêté à Granville sur le chemin de l'Angleterre, déféré devant la Cour des pairs à l'automne 1830 pour haute trahison, Polignac est condamné à la détention perpétuelle ; il sera amnistié en 1836.
politiques ou malcontents,
termes désignant, au temps des guerres de Religion, les partisans de l'autorité royale, au-delà des querelles religieuses. Les politiques jouent un rôle prépondérant dans la victoire d'Henri IV contre la Ligue.
Jusqu'au lendemain du massacre de la Saint-Barthélemy (1572), le terme « politiques » s'applique à des hommes qui défendent une analyse technicienne du gouvernement, influencés par des lectures sélectives - et non avouées - de Machiavel et de Tacite, si bien qu'il devient péjoratif au regard des partis religieux, dénotant une indifférence au « dessein de Dieu ». Michel de L'Hospital ou Étienne Pasquier incarnent cette approche politique de la division confessionnelle. La Saint-Barthélemy et les guerres qui suivent provoquent une rupture idéologique chez les politiques. Jusque-là, ils prônaient une monarchie mixte, tempérée par l'action des états généraux et des parlements. Désormais, ils professent plutôt « la tyrannie, pendant une paix, que de tomber dans la miséricorde d'une guerre civile » (Étienne Pasquier). Ainsi, Guy du Faur de Pibrac justifie le massacre de 1572 au nom du maintien de l'État, qui trouve sa légitimité dans sa propre conservation. Les Six Livres de la République (1576), de Jean Bodin, symbolisent leur idéal d'une « souveraineté législative » qui ne souffre plus d'être partagée.
À partir de 1585, les politiques, majoritairement catholiques, tel Henri de Montmorency-Damville ou Michel de Montaigne, sont, comme les calvinistes, les ennemis de la Ligue. Des critères religieux mais aussi sociaux, locaux et de clientèle expliquent ce choix. Les politiques se recrutent le plus souvent parmi l'aristocratie de l'office (modèles bourguignon et parisien). À Marseille, au contraire, ils appartiennent à la noblesse et à l'oligarchie marchande. À Rouen, les « nouveaux » officiers soutiennent Henri IV contre les « anciens ». À partir de 1592, les Bretons préfèrent la voie des politiques à celle du séparatisme. Enfin, le bourg de Carcassonne - au contraire de la cité - choisit le roi parce qu'il accueille un présidial, tribunal royal qui lui confère un certain lustre.
Des traits communs se dégagent de la propagande des politiques : un gallicanisme parlementaire et ecclésiastique qui exècre les bulles d'excommunication ; un « patriotisme » qui dénonce les ligueurs inféodés à l'Espagne ; enfin, l'amorce d'une raison d'État qui s'incarne dans « un roy qui donnera ordre à tout » (Pierre Pithou). Les politiques accomplissent ainsi la conversion idéologique des sujets à l'obéissance à la monarchie absolue dans la France des Bourbons.
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