La société, qui reçut une concession royale pour l'exploitation des mines, devient vite l'un des fleurons du nouveau capitalisme. Grâce à une gestion rigoureuse, à une division poussée des tâches et à d'importants investissements, la compagnie produit, à la veille de la Révolution, la moitié de la houille française (soit 350 000 tonnes environ) ; elle emploie 4 000 ouvriers et dégage des profits vertigineux pour l'époque.
La Révolution trouble les destinées de la compagnie, qui ne retrouve sa pleine activité que sous l'Empire, période du plus grand essor. La prospérité se maintient durant toute la première moitié du XIXe siècle, dans le cadre d'un développement industriel régional dominé par le textile et l'industrie sucrière jusqu'aux années 1840, puis par l'extraction houillère elle-même. La banque d'affaires fondée par les frères Perier prend le contrôle d'une partie du capital. La compagnie représente alors 90 % de la production houillère du Nord. Mais cette suprématie est de plus en plus contestée dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, à la suite de la découverte des mines du Pas-de-Calais et du développement de compagnies plus modestes. Après la destruction de ses installations pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, la compagnie connaît des difficultés dans l'entre-deux-guerres. Elle est nationalisée en décembre 1944 dans le cadre des Houillères du Nord et du Pas-de-Calais. Elle reste l'un des symboles du capitalisme minier français du XIXe siècle.
août 1789 (nuit du 4),
séance nocturne de l'Assemblée nationale constituante au cours de laquelle fut proclamée l'abolition des privilèges.
Cette nuit est demeurée la plus emblématique d'une Révolution qui accomplit la grande quête de l'égalité, dans un mouvement indissociable d'émotion et de raison. La Grande Peur suscitée par le mouvement anti-seigneurial et les récits alarmistes qui en parviennent à l'Assemblée a été conjurée par une proposition de transformation radicale des bases sociales de l'Ancien Régime dans le sens d'un intérêt bien calculé des propriétaires, ainsi que par l'enthousiasme patriotique.
« Par des lettres de toutes les provinces, il paraît que les propriétés, de quelque nature qu'elles soient, sont la proie du plus coupable brigandage ; de tous les côtés, les châteaux sont brûlés, les couvents sont détruits, les fermes, abandonnées au pillage. » Le soir du 3 août, face à ce tableau désastreux, l'Assemblée prétend réaffirmer l'inviolabilité des propriétés. Des nobles libéraux et des députés bourgeois se réunissent alors au café Amaury, point de ralliement du Club breton (futur Club des jacobins), et décident d'une initiative parlementaire. Pour contenir le mouvement paysan, il convient d'entendre les justes raisons de sa colère. Le vicomte de Noailles et le duc d'Aiguillon doivent prendre la parole et proclamer la nécessité de l'égalité devant l'impôt, l'abolition des corvées, mainmortes et servitudes personnelles sans rachat, ainsi que le rachat des autres droits féodaux. Ils renoncent eux-mêmes à leurs privilèges, ouvrant la voie à un mouvement d'enthousiasme. Sont supprimés en cascade les justices seigneuriales, le droit exclusif de chasse, les dîmes, les casuels des curés, la pluralité des bénéfices, la vénalité des offices, les privilèges des villes et provinces. Les jurandes sont aussi réformées. Mais, lorsque La Rochefoucauld d'Enville propose d'abolir l'esclavage, son idée n'est pas retenue.
La nuit du 4 août 1789 est l'aboutissement du mouvement de contestation du régime féodal. L'Ancien Régime social est aboli de fait : on ouvre ainsi la voie à la liberté de chacun dans l'unité nationale. Mais, en séparant les propriétés féodales et les propriétés bourgeoises, en déclarant rachetable une partie des droits seigneuriaux, en affirmant qu'on ne peut abuser du droit de propriété, on déclenche aussi une « guerre des intérêts » (A. Young), qui peut désormais se déchaîner.
août 1792 (journée du 10),
insurrection parisienne qui provoqua la chute de la monarchie.
Si la fuite à Varennes en 1791 marque la rupture entre Louis XVI et la Révolution, la guerre, déclarée en avril 1792, met un terme au compromis entre une partie de la bourgeoisie et la monarchie. L'opposition du roi aux décrets de l'Assemblée nationale, l'échec de la journée du 20 juin, l'offensive austro-prussienne et la « patrie en danger » exacerbent le sentiment patriotique et alimentent le courant républicain. En juillet, l'agitation, entretenue par les jacobins et les cordeliers, est vive dans les sections parisiennes et parmi les fédérés des départements, venus à Paris pour le 14 juillet. Tandis que l'on réclame la déchéance du roi et la réunion d'une convention pour rédiger une nouvelle Constitution, le renversement de la monarchie se prépare au sein d'un comité insurrectionnel regroupant fédérés et patriotes. Le manifeste du duc de Brunswick (25 juillet 1792), chef des armées coalisées, qui menace de livrer « la ville de Paris à une exécution militaire » s'il est fait « la moindre violence » à la famille royale, met le feu aux poudres. Le 3 août, les sections demandent en vain à l'Assemblée nationale de décréter la déchéance du roi, puis, le 4, annoncent l'insurrection pour le 9 à minuit. Mais l'Assemblée laisse faire le mouvement populaire, parfaitement organisé. Lorsque le tocsin sonne à l'aube du 10 août, la commune de Paris, quartier général des insurgés, dirige les opérations, tandis que Louis XVI se réfugie à l'Assemblée, sans laisser de consignes aux défenseurs du Château. Alors que la Garde nationale fait défection ou se rallie à l'insurrection, les premiers bataillons des faubourgs et les fédérés arrivés aux Tuileries croient à une fraternisation avec les gardes suisses, mais ceux-ci déclenchent une fusillade particulièrement meurtrière. D'abord repoussés, les insurgés sortent finalement victorieux et massacrent les suisses, accusés de traîtrise. L'ordre intimé par le roi de cesser le feu n'arrive qu'à 10 heures du matin ; la bataille a fait environ un millier de victimes, dont quatre cents du côté des insurgés. L'Assemblée décrète alors la suspension du roi et la convocation d'une convention élue au suffrage universel.
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