L'importance du sanctuaire est confirmée par son développement considérable à l'époque gallo-romaine. Le site est alors aménagé en plusieurs terrasses successives, échelonnées vers l'Ancre sur près d'un kilomètre. Le sanctuaire primitif est remplacé par un vaste temple de plus de 30 mètres de côté, construit dès les débuts de notre ère. Un théâtre et des thermes, de taille plus modeste, sont ajoutés, ainsi que de nombreuses constructions en pierre, édifiées de part et d'autre de l'alignement principal.
Ribot (Alexandre),
homme politique (Saint Omer, Pas-de-Calais, 1842 - Paris 1923).
Avocat, puis magistrat, il entre en politique en 1877. Député du Pas-de-Calais (1878-1885 ; 1887-1909), il siège au centre gauche et devient l'un des chefs de file du parti républicain modéré. Avec Georges Clemenceau, il s'oppose à la politique coloniale de Jules Ferry. Ministre des Affaires étrangères (mars 1890-janvier 1893) et président du Conseil (décembre 1892-janvier 1893), il est le principal artisan de l'alliance franco-russe. Lorsqu'éclate le scandale de Panamá, il fait arrêter Ferdinand de Lesseps, lever l'immunité parlementaire de cinq députés, et réussit à préserver le régime sans étouffer l'affaire, avant de devoir démissionner. Rappelé à la tête du gouvernement (janvier-octobre 1895), il décide d'envoyer une expédition de reconquête à Madagascar. Sénateur à partir de 1909, il est choisi par Poincaré pour former un gouvernement (juin 1914) afin de défendre la loi des trois ans (service militaire), mais ce modéré est immédiatement renversé par la majorité de gauche. Avec l'« union sacrée », il retrouve le pouvoir dès le début de la guerre comme ministre des Finances, portefeuille qu'il détient jusqu'en mars 1917. Il crée alors les « bons de la Défense nationale », emprunt à court terme souscrit par les banques et les particuliers pour financer l'effort de guerre. Il est à nouveau président du Conseil (mars-septembre 1917), tandis que, après les sanglantes et vaines offensives lancées par le général en chef Nivelle, des mutineries se multiplient sur le front. Il obtient le remplacement de ce dernier par Philippe Pétain. Son gouvernement tombe lorsque le ministre de l'Intérieur, Jean-Louis Malvy, est accusé de haute trahison et traduit devant la Haute Cour de justice, mais Ribot conserve le ministère des Affaires étrangères jusqu'au 23 octobre 1917. Il achève sa carrière au Sénat, où il siège jusqu'à sa mort.
Richard le Justicier,
comte carolingien, puis duc de Bourgogne à partir de 918 (mort en 921).
Fils du comte Biwin, il est le frère de Boson et de Richilde, seconde épouse de Charles le Chauve. D'après les sources conservées, il apparaît pour la première fois en tant que comte en 876, et on le voit agir comme représentant (missus) du roi Charles en Italie, dans l'entourage de son frère Boson (877). Il participe à l'élection de ce dernier comme « roi de Provence » (879), mais semble se rallier très vite au roi carolingien Carloman qui, en 880, lui confie le comté d'Autun et l'abbaye Saint-Symphorien. Vers 887, il hérite de charges tenues par l'oncle de sa femme, Hugues l'Abbé, en particulier le comté d'Auxerre et l'abbaye Sainte-Colombe de Sens. Ce cumul de comtés lui vaut bientôt le titre de marquis (marchio), attesté en 888, et c'est à partir de ce noyau qu'il construit peu à peu sa puissance sur une partie de la Bourgogne, évitant, de manière assez habile, de s'immiscer dans les grands conflits qui déchirent l'aristocratie du royaume dans les années 890-920. Richard soumet les comtes de Nevers et de Troyes, et parvient à mettre la main sur l'ensemble des évêchés de son territoire (Autun, Auxerre, Langres - dont il a fait aveugler l'évêque), et même sur l'archevêché de Sens. Ses nombreuses victoires contre les Normands, sa richesse et sa réputation de « justicier » contribuent à son autorité et légitiment le titre ducal qu'il porte à partir de 918. On peut le considérer comme le fondateur du duché de Bourgogne. Il est enterré à Sainte-Colombe de Sens.
Richard-Lenoir (François Richard, dit),
industriel (Épinay-sur-Odon, Calvados, 1756 - Paris 1839).
Ce fils de fermier normand s'installe à Paris en 1786, après avoir été garçon de magasin à Rouen. Sous le Directoire, il s'enrichit en spéculant notamment sur l'assignat, sur les biens nationaux et sur les textiles anglais. Associé en 1797 au négociant Lenoir-Dufresne, il réinvestit ses capitaux dans l'industrie textile. Pour délivrer les manufactures de coton de leur dépendance à l'égard de l'Angleterre, les deux hommes introduisent en France la mull jenny, une machine destinée à filer mécaniquement le coton. Ils fondent des ateliers de filature et de tissage à Paris, en Normandie et en Picardie. Après la mort de son associé (1806), Richard prend le nom de Richard-Lenoir. En 1810, il est nommé membre du Conseil des manufactures par Napoléon, qui s'était intéressé à lui dès ses premiers essais industriels. En 1813, il possède trente-neuf établissements, où il emploie jusqu'à 15 000 ouvriers, et sa fortune est immense ; pour s'affranchir des contraintes imposées par le Blocus continental, il lance des cultures de coton dans le royaume de Naples. Fidèle de Napoléon, il participe à la défense de Paris contre les Bourbons, en 1814 ; pendant les Cent-Jours, il entre au conseil général de la Seine. Après la chute de l'Empereur, il est rayé de la liste de proscription grâce à l'intervention du tsar de Russie. Ruiné par l'abolition des droits sur le coton et par la crise de 1817, il doit vendre ce qu'il possède et, jusqu'à sa mort, vit assez misérablement à Paris.
Richelieu (Armand Jean du Plessis, duc de),
ecclésiastique et homme politique (Paris 1585 - id. 1642).
Le cardinal de Richelieu occupe une place à part dans la mémoire collective. Il continue de susciter une indéniable admiration, en particulier pour les qualités qui ont fait de lui comme un modèle de l'homme d'État (« Puissance des idées, connaissance des faits, capacité de travail considérable, aptitude à la décision et, lorsque celle-ci est prise, capacité à en choisir l'instant d'exécution », Madeleine Foisil). Il incarne le parfait serviteur de la monarchie, qu'il a contribué à renforcer en luttant contre toutes les oppositions au pouvoir royal. C'est cette lutte qui fit aussi de lui un homme dur et implacable, dont les portraits par Philippe de Champaigne ont donné une image distinguée et sévère : cette sévérité fut pratiquée au nom de l'autorité de l'État et de la raison d'État, qui ne reconnaît pas les raisons ordinaires des hommes. Néanmoins, derrière ces apparences, les chroniqueurs et les historiens ont dessiné les traits d'un être complexe. Lui-même, homme d'écriture, proche des écrivains de son temps, a laissé bien des traces d'une réflexion ample et ambitieuse, auxquelles il faut ajouter la masse de ses papiers, depuis longtemps objet de l'attention des érudits.
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