Elle renaît toutefois entre juin et août 1815, à la nouvelle de la défaite de Waterloo et de l'abdication de Napoléon Ier. C'est encore dans le Midi, où les luttes politiques (royalistes contre bonapartistes et jacobins) se doublent du conflit latent entre protestants et catholiques, que l'expression des haines est la plus violente. Mais bientôt les furieux bataillons de volontaires royaux (« miquelets » ou « verdets ») mis sur pied par le duc d'Angoulême, sont dissous sur l'intervention de Louis XVIII. Il reste qu'une Terreur blanche légale sévit entre l'été 1815 et l'automne 1816, sous la pression des royalistes ultras. C'est ainsi qu'une série de lois d'exception permettent l'épuration politique et administrative, l'arrestation - on en dénombre 70 000 -, la proscription ou l'exécution de suspects ou des complices des Cent-Jours, notamment les anciens conventionnels régicides bannis à vie par la loi d'amnistie de janvier 1816. Cette politique répressive s'achève avec la dissolution de la Chambre ultra, en septembre 1816.
Tertry (bataille de),
bataille menée en 687 par Pépin II de Herstal, maire du palais d'Austrasie, à l'issue de laquelle il remporte une victoire définitive sur les Neustriens, et clôt ainsi la guerre civile qui ravageait les royaumes francs depuis 673.
La situation était particulièrement confuse dans le royaume neustro-burgonde, dont l'aristocratie s'était ralliée au roi d'Austrasie Childéric II, en 673, pour lutter contre les tentatives centralisatrices, qualifiées de tyranniques, du maire du palais Ébroïn. Pourtant, dès 675, Childéric est en butte à l'hostilité d'une partie de l'aristocratie neustrienne, qui le fait assassiner, ainsi que sa femme et ses enfants. De cette conspiration naît une panique indescriptible qu'un chroniqueur contemporain appelle « la guerre de tous contre tous », dont Ébroïn semble cependant sortir vainqueur : en 679, au Bois de Fay (dans les Ardennes), il bat les Austrasiens à plate couture. Mais cette victoire est de courte durée, car Ébroïn est à son tour assassiné (680) et son successeur à la mairie du palais, Warathon, conclut la paix avec les Austrasiens et reconnaît la suprématie de Pépin II sur l'Austrasie. La situation politique se stabilise quelques années, jusqu'à la disparition de Warathon (686) et à la révolte d'une partie de l'aristocratie neustrienne contre le nouveau maire du palais, Berchaire. C'est cette dissension entre les Neustriens que Pépin II met habilement à profit : il se rallie les opposants à Berchaire et prend la tête d'une expédition qui marche vers Paris, capitale de la Neustrie. Les deux armées se rencontrent à Tertry, près de Saint-Quentin, et Pépin y remporte une victoire éclatante. Ainsi parvient-il à mettre la main sur la mairie du palais de Neustrie tout en conservant celle d'Austrasie.
Dès le VIIIe siècle, l'importance de cet épisode qui a permis d'asseoir la puissance des ancêtres des Carolingiens était clairement perçue : en réunissant sous sa houlette les deux mairies du palais, Pépin II devenait le véritable régent du royaume, gouvernant au nom du roi Thierry III jusqu'en 690, puis des fils de ce dernier, Clovis III (690/694) et Childebert III (694/711). Mais il serait abusif de considérer la victoire de Tertry comme le fondement du pouvoir exclusif des Carolingiens sur l'ensemble du royaume : Pépin II devra encore travailler au renforcement de son autorité en Neustrie, c'est-à-dire à la consolidation des alliances passées avec l'aristocratie neustrienne, et à la multiplication des relais de son pouvoir par la fondation de nombreuses abbayes entre Seine et Ardennes.
Tessier (Gaston),
syndicaliste (Paris 1887 - id. 1960).
Employé d'une maison de commerce dès l'âge de 16 ans, il adhère à 18 ans au Syndicat des employés du commerce et de l'industrie (SECI), parrainé par deux illustres aînés, Jules Zirnheld et Charles Viennet ; en 1914, il en est le secrétaire général. Réformé pour raisons de santé, il ne prend pas part aux combats de la Première Guerre mondiale. En 1919, lorsque la CFTC voit le jour, Gaston Tessier en est le premier secrétaire général ; il prend également la tête de la Confédération internationale des syndicats chrétiens, en 1921. En février 1927, avec Jules Zirnheld, il se rend au Vatican pour plaider, avec succès, la cause de la CFTC en réfutant la critique de déviation marxiste dont elle était l'objet. Au mois de juin 1929, une lettre de la congrégation du Concile rejette ces accusations et exhorte les travailleurs catholiques à adhérer au syndicat. En novembre 1940, avec Zirnheld et Bouladoux, Gaston Tessier signe le « Manifeste des Douze », premier texte fondamental signé en commun avec la CGT, qui réaffirme, face au corporatisme vichyste, la liberté du syndicalisme authentique ; puis il prend part à la fondation du mouvement de résistance Libération-Nord, qui rassemble socialistes et syndicalistes confédérés et chrétiens. Soucieux de préserver l'autonomie du syndicat, il refuse de siéger, en 1946, à la direction du MRP. Élu le 17 mai 1948 président de la CFTC, il doit alors lutter contre le courant minoritaire Reconstruction, favorable à une déconfessionnalisation du syndicat. À partir de 1953, il reste président d'honneur de la CFTC mais renonce à la diriger.
Théot (affaire Catherine),
cas de mysticisme, sous la Révolution (1794), dont la publicité visa à affaiblir les robespierristes.
Catherine Théot, vieille servante illuminée se prétendant « mère de Dieu » et prédisant le renversement des rois, avait été enfermée à la Bastille en 1779, puis dans un hôpital jusqu'en 1782. Dans ses « conférences », qu'elle reprend sous la Révolution, elle annonce la venue d'un nouveau Messie et l'imminence de la régénération et du bonheur général. Le Comité de sûreté générale, dominé par Vadier, la fait arrêter le 28 floréal an II (17 mai 1794), puis exploite l'affaire pour s'opposer à la politique religieuse de Robespierre et du Comité de salut public. Le 22 prairial (10 juin), au lendemain de la fête de l'Être suprême, Vadier fait un rapport dévastateur à la Convention : il y présente Robespierre comme le Messie annoncé par Catherine Théot, aspirant à la dictature par le biais de la nouvelle religion nationale, qu'il tourne en ridicule.
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