Cette évolution s'accentue encore au cours du XVIIe siècle. En 1694, l'armée française compte 102 régiments de cavalerie, dont 24 de cavalerie lourde, 18 de dragons, combattant à pied ou à cheval, 12 de chasseurs et 6 de hussards, destinés à la poursuite de l'adversaire. L'équipement s'allège. À la fin de l'Ancien Régime, un seul régiment conserve le casque et la cuirasse. La lance, abandonnée à la fin du XVIe siècle, est cependant réintroduite par le maréchal de Saxe en 1743. Le sabre n'en constitue pas moins l'arme privilégiée de la cavalerie, lourde ou légère. À la veille de la Révolution, les effectifs de la cavalerie ne représentent que le tiers ou le quart de ceux de l'infanterie.
Si elle n'a qu'un rôle très effacé pendant la Révolution, Napoléon lui redonne de l'importance et crée des divisions de cavalerie associées à une artillerie légère à cheval. Il réhabilite les cuirassiers, lève des régiments de lanciers et augmente les effectifs des dragons, des chasseurs et des hussards. Il utilise la cavalerie pour des missions de reconnaissance et, surtout, comme instrument de rupture. Agissant par surprise, avec un effet de masse, la cavalerie peut décider de l'issue d'un engagement comme à Essling ou à Wagram, en 1809, ou encore à la bataille de la Moskowa (1812). Toutefois, à Waterloo, la cavalerie lancée par Ney ne peut ébranler les carrés anglais.
Un rôle de plus en plus épisodique.
• À partir du milieu du XIXe siècle, l'augmentation de la puissance de feu rend inopérante la tactique de choc de la cavalerie. En 1870, les vaines charges de Reichshoffen font figure d'anachronisme et se soldent par des pertes considérables. En 1914, l'armée française ne compte pas moins de dix divisions de cavalerie, qui n'ont guère évolué depuis le Second Empire ; mais la densité du feu et la difficulté d'entretien des chevaux dans les tranchées privent la cavalerie de tout rôle important. Certains chefs militaires caressent cependant l'espoir d'une exploitation de la rupture du front par la cavalerie. Espoir déçu, d'autant que les blindés, utilisés dès 1917, constituent des instruments d'offensive beaucoup plus efficaces. En 1939, l'armée aligne encore trois divisions de cavalerie associées à quelques éléments motorisés. En fait, depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la cavalerie a disparu de toutes les armées modernes. Son nom subsiste cependant par l'intermédiaire de l'armée blindée, qui en conserve les traditions et les missions fondamentales.
Cavalier (Jean),
chef camisard (Ribaute-les-Tavernes, Gard, 1680 - Jersey 1740).
Cet ouvrier boulanger appartient à la génération protestante qui grandit dans l'atmosphère de la révocation de l'édit de Nantes et vit douloureusement la rupture avec la foi ancestrale. Exilé en Suisse en 1701, il rejoint d'emblée le soulèvement camisard, et opère dans la plaine bordière des Cévennes. Jean Cavalier se distingue des autres camisards par ses capacités militaires, sachant passer de la guérilla à la bataille rangée. Après plusieurs victoires, il est cependant battu en avril 1704. Il négocie alors avec le maréchal de Villars, croyant obtenir la liberté de conscience pour ses coreligionnaires. Finalement, il se rend en mai. Passant pour un traître, et déçu de ne pas devenir colonel d'un régiment d'anciens camisards, il fuit en Suisse, puis combat en Savoie contre les troupes françaises. Il passe ensuite en Hollande, reprend les armes aux côtés des Anglais en Espagne, mais est battu en 1706. Il mène dès lors en Hollande, puis en Angleterre, une vie besogneuse, adoucie par la charge de gouverneur de Jersey, obtenue en 1738.
Alors qu'il avait assis son autorité sur ses hommes par le biais de ses inspirations divines et de ses prophéties, Cavalier présente dans ses Mémoires des guerres des Cévennes (1726) une image aseptisée des camisards, propre à rassurer une opinion européenne méfiante envers ces « gens de peu » et ces « fanatiques ». Il est transformé en héros romantique par Eugène Sue (Jean Cavalier ou les Fanatiques des Cévennes, 1840), avant d'incarner, pour la sensibilité du XXe siècle, la résistance populaire à l'oppression.
Cazalès (Jacques Antoine Marie de),
homme politique (Grenade, Haute-Garonne, 1758 - château d'Engalin, près de Mauvezin, Gers, 1805).
Issu d'une famille de la grande bourgeoisie toulousaine récemment anoblie par le capitoulat, il entre en politique lors de la réunion des états généraux de 1789, où, député de la noblesse, il devient d'emblée l'un des plus fameux dirigeants de l'opposition aristocratique. Déclarant « préférer la monarchie au monarque », il n'hésite pas à s'opposer, le 27 juin 1789, à la réunion des trois ordres voulue par Louis XVI. À la Constituante, où il est de tous les combats, il défend la noblesse, les privilèges, l'autorité royale et l'Église, et dénie à l'Assemblée le droit de rédiger une Constitution. Il est l'un des meilleurs orateurs, avec l'abbé Maury, des royalistes intransigeants (les « noirs »), et il lutte farouchement contre Mirabeau et Barnave, avec lequel il se bat en duel. Honnête et chevaleresque, respecté par ses adversaires, il croit à l'opposition parlementaire et adopte parfois des positions conciliantes, qui déroutent son propre parti. C'est pourquoi l'abbé Maury, partisan de la politique du pire, interrompt régulièrement ses discours. Cazalès démissionne après Varennes, le 9 juillet 1791, et émigre à Coblence, où les frères de Louis XVI n'apprécient guère son indépendance d'esprit. Rentré en France, il rejoint l'Angleterre après le 10 août 1792, remplit quelques missions pour le futur Louis XVIII, s'engage dans l'armée de Condé, puis retourne à Londres après l'échec anglais devant Toulon. En 1803, radié de la liste des émigrés, il revient en France, où il finit sa vie pauvre et retiré.
CECA (Communauté européenne du charbon et de l'acier),
première institution européenne à caractère supranational, fondée en 1951 : Jean Monnet, commissaire au Plan du gouvernement français, en propose le projet à Robert Schuman, alors ministre des Affaires étrangères, qui l'adopte et le rend public le 9 mai 1950.
Il s'agit de créer, entre la France, la République fédérale d'Allemagne (RFA) et les autres pays candidats, une institution chargée de gérer les industries du charbon et de l'acier, de fixer des objectifs communs et d'abolir les barrières douanières concernant ces produits. Au-delà de l'objectif d'intégration économique, le projet porte une grande ambition politique : rapprocher les anciens ennemis et donner corps à l'Europe.
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