Cette politique de « défense agressive » est soutenue par le secrétaire d'État aux Affaires étrangères Colbert de Croissy, qui a remplacé le trop conciliant Pomponne en 1679. Elle repose sur la puissance militaire de la France, qui n'a pas démobilisé au retour de la paix, et tire parti des difficultés de l'empereur Léopold Ier face aux révoltés hongrois et aux Turcs. Devant les protestations de la diète d'Empire, la constitution d'une alliance défensive entre la Suède et les Provinces-Unies (octobre 1681), la formation de la ligue des Princes du Rhin en septembre 1682 et la tiédeur de son ancien allié bavarois, le roi de France renforce son alliance avec le Brandebourg et le Danemark. À la faveur du siège de Vienne par les Turcs en 1683 - qui immobilise Léopold - et Charles II d'Espagne ayant déclaré la guerre à la France, Louis XIV s'empare de Luxembourg en juin 1684. Cependant, après la défaite des Turcs, il faut bien composer. Le 15 août 1684, une trêve est signée à Ratisbonne entre la France, l'Empire et l'Espagne ; la France conserve pour vingt ans les « Réunions ». Mais l'équilibre trouvé est précaire : contre la menace française, la ligue d'Augsbourg se forme en juillet 1686.
revanche (la),
thème important de la conscience nationale apparu après la défaite de 1870 contre la Prusse, et récurrent jusqu'à la Première Guerre mondiale.
Fondée sur l'idée d'une reconquête impérative des provinces perdues, « la revanche » conjugue le désir d'expiation des fautes qui ont conduit au désastre, et la volonté d'en comprendre les causes. Le premier sentiment provoque un repli sur soi, qui condamne l'universalisme politique et philosophique présupposé du Second Empire ; le second inspire les grandes lois réformatrices sur l'école et l'armée. Bien qu'impulsée, à l'origine, par Gambetta, « la revanche » transcende pourtant les clivages politiques, de Clemenceau à Maurras. Les littérateurs et publicistes - Erckmann et Chatrian, et surtout Déroulède - la popularisent dans l'opinion. Mais, à mesure que la défaite s'éloigne dans le temps, l'idée perd de sa force émotionnelle. En outre, elle est battue en brèche par la promotion de l'idée coloniale, qui ressuscite le thème universaliste de la France porteuse de lumières dans le monde.
Les polémiques sont vives autour de l'abandon supposé des provinces de l'Est. Le thème de « la revanche » tend alors à devenir l'apanage des nationalistes, qui font de son oubli l'un des signes de l'affaissement de la nation. Pourtant, l'unanimité se recrée dans les années 1900 : la crise de Tanger (1905) révèle une Allemagne belliciste et fait resurgir l'imminence d'un conflit. Le souvenir de l'Alsace et de la Lorraine est ravivé dans la littérature (Barrès, Péguy, René Bazin, Hansi) et dans le monde politique (comité « Vers l'Alsace », auquel adhère Poincaré). À la veille de la Grande Guerre, « la revanche » réconcilie les deux sources du patriotisme : la défense du territoire, et la France - « soldat du droit » face à l'« agresseur ».
Réveillon (affaire),
émeute déclenchée à Paris, dans le faubourg Saint-Antoine, les 27 et 28 avril 1789.
Riche entrepreneur, Jean-Baptiste Réveillon possède deux manufactures de papier - dont la plus importante est sise au faubourg Saint-Antoine - et emploie, dès 1784, plus de 400 ouvriers. Le 23 avril 1789, lors d'une réunion électorale, il aurait préconisé la réduction des taxes sur les denrées pour pouvoir diminuer les prix et les salaires. Aussitôt, le bruit se répand parmi les ouvriers du faubourg (qui sont exclus des assemblées électorales) que Réveillon ne veut plus payer que 15 sols la journée au lieu de 20. Dans le contexte de disette du printemps 1789, il n'en faut pas plus pour que la population manifeste son mécontentement. Le lundi 27, une foule brûle une effigie de Réveillon et détruit la manufacture d'un autre industriel nommé Henriot. Le lendemain, une foule plus dense encore se porte chez Réveillon. La troupe tire, tuant de nombreux manifestants venus de plusieurs quartiers ouvriers, mais dont aucun n'est employé chez Réveillon. Jacques Godechot estime à 300 le nombre des victimes. Il s'agit d'une des plus graves émeutes de l'année 1789.
Certains historiens ont mis en cause l'action du duc d'Orléans, mais l'émeute témoigne surtout du climat électrique qui règne dans Paris au printemps 1789. Le caractère général des revendications populaires (baisse du prix du pain, mais aussi soutien au tiers état) fait de l'émeute Réveillon « un prélude aux journées révolutionnaires » (Raymonde Monnier).
révoltes populaires.
Cette notion est de celles qui se prêtent aux vastes interprétations, et donc à des querelles entre historiens.
Il est aisé, en effet, de présenter la plupart de ces révoltes comme une simple résistance au « changement », voire une vaine résistance au « progrès » que constitue, par exemple, l'accroissement des ressources de l'État au XVIIe siècle, ou la mécanisation de l'industrie, contestée en particulier dans les années 1830 (la grande révolte des canuts lyonnais date de 1831). Ce caractère apparemment primaire des révoltes populaires peut expliquer leur soudaineté, leur force, et le fait qu'elles trouvent quelques alliés hors du peuple, chez des individus eux aussi victimes des changements ou heurtés par ceux-ci : ainsi le chef de la jacquerie de 1358, Guillaume Carle, ou les petits nobles et prêtres souvent impliqués dans les troubles du XVIIe siècle. Il arrive, aussi, que l'idéologie donne une cohésion particulière à un mouvement qui transcende alors en partie les classes sociales, à l'exemple de la révolte des camisards, protestants persécutés des Cévennes (1702-1704), et sans doute de celle des insurgés vendéens et chouans de 1793.
Les révoltes populaires n'en sont pas moins, dans la plupart des cas, des mouvements profonds de résistance à la brutalité d'un changement, comme lors de la grande vague de révoltes - citadines, et surtout rurales - que la formidable hausse du prélèvement fiscal entraîne entre 1620 et 1640 environ (« croquants » du Quercy et du Périgord, « nu-pieds » de Normandie...). Elles manifestent, aussi, une résistance devant l'inégalité de la répartition sociale des coûts et des bénéfices du changement : une bonne part des révoltes du XIXe siècle sont ainsi directement liées, bien plus qu'à la mécanisation, aux conséquences du triomphe d'un capitalisme sauvage.
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