Isolée diplomatiquement, la France croit se sauver par l'offensive. En octobre 1688, son armée occupe la rive gauche du Rhin, dévaste le Palatinat, brûle Heidelberg : cette politique de terreur, prônée par Louvois et redoublée en 1693, indigne l'Europe et reste encore dans la mémoire allemande. Des soldats sont expédiés en Irlande avec Jacques II (qui s'était réfugié en France après le débarquement de Guillaume d'Orange), mais cette tentative de restauration s'achève par la défaite de la Boyne (1690). Aux Pays-Bas, les Français prennent Namur et Charleroi, sont vainqueurs à Fleurus (1690) et à Neerwinden (1693) ; un second front en Catalogne progresse lentement (prise de Rosas en 1693, de Barcelone en 1697). Sur mer, face à la coalition anglo-hollandaise, la France, victorieuse à Béveziers, subit la défaite de La Hougue (1692) ; dès lors, elle réoriente sa stratégie vers la guerre de course, dans laquelle s'illustre Jean Bart. Le conflit s'étend aux colonies (Indes, Sénégal, Antilles, Canada). Les belligérants s'épuisent sans obtenir de succès décisifs. La défection de la Savoie en 1696 neutralise enfin le front italien, et la médiation suédoise permet de conclure les traités de Ryswick (septembre-octobre 1697). Louis XIV reconnaît Guillaume d'Orange comme roi d'Angleterre, garde Strasbourg, mais rend la plupart des réunions. Victime des traités de paix depuis cinquante ans, l'Espagne ne perd rien cette fois-ci. La France a tenu seule contre l'Europe, mais elle doit accepter une paix de compromis.
Aumale (Henri Eugène Philippe d'Orléans, duc d'),
général et homme politique (Paris 1822 - Zucco, Sicile, 1897).
Cinquième fils du roi Louis-Philippe, le duc d'Aumale reçoit, comme ses frères, une éducation « démocratique » au lycée Henri-IV. Il embrasse ensuite la carrière militaire et, lors de la conquête de l'Algérie, se distingue par la prise de la smalah d'Abd el-Kader (mai 1843). Cet exploit lui vaut d'être nommé général à 22 ans, puis, en 1847, gouverneur de l'Algérie, poste qu'il doit quitter lors de la révolution de 1848 pour s'exiler à Londres. Après la chute du second Empire, il rentre en France, est élu député de l'Oise (1871) et contribue au renversement de Thiers. Rétabli dans son grade de général, il préside le conseil de guerre qui juge Bazaine. En 1886, ayant protesté contre le décret qui écarte de l'armée les membres des anciennes familles régnantes, il est rayé des cadres et proscrit, avant d'être rappelé, trois ans plus tard, par le président Carnot.
Exilé à deux reprises, réduit à l'inactivité, le duc d'Aumale perd, en outre, sa femme et ses sept enfants. Face à l'adversité, il se fait historien et collectionneur. Héritier du domaine de Chantilly, il fait reconstruire le château en 1875 pour y abriter ses collections de peintures, de livres et d'objets précieux – dont le manuscrit des Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry –, qu'il lèguera à l'Institut. Son projet visait à transformer le château en « un monument complet et varié de l'art français dans toutes ses branches, et de l'histoire de [sa] patrie à des époques de gloire ».
aurignacien,
civilisation préhistorique qui se répand en France entre 30 000 et 25 000 ans avant J.-C. environ.
C'est le premier faciès du paléolithique supérieur, c'est-à-dire d'Homo sapiens sapiens, ou « homme moderne », qui, à partir de cette période remplace partout en Europe l'homme de Néanderthal. En l'état actuel des connaissances, Homo sapiens serait apparu en Afrique de l'Est et au Proche-Orient il y a quelque 100 000 ans, puis aurait gagné progressivement l'Europe à partir du Sud-Est, comme en témoigne l'apparition vers 40 000 ans avant J.-C., dans la grotte de Bacho Kiro (Bulgarie), de l'aurignacien le plus ancien que l'on connaisse.
En France, l'aurignacien, identifié en 1860 par Édouard Lartet dans la grotte périgourdine d'Aurignac, est surtout présent dans le Sud-Ouest, plus discrètement en Languedoc, en Bourgogne et dans l'Est. Il se caractérise par un outillage en silex composé de « lames », c'est-à-dire d'éclats de pierre allongés et réguliers, dont la production requiert une grande maîtrise technique, et qui permettent la confection d'outils performants et faciles à emmancher. Pour la première fois aussi sont utilisés systématiquement des outils en os ou en bois de cerf : sagaies, poinçons, perles, plaquettes, etc.
Les hommes de l'aurignacien vivaient soit à l'entrée de grottes ou d'abris, soit dans des campements de plein air, qui ont laissé peu de traces, hormis des foyers. Des tombes sont connues, comme celles du célèbre abri de Cro-Magnon (aux Eyzies, en Dordogne). Les morts sont ensevelis, parfois avec leurs outils ou leurs parures, et recouverts d'ocre rouge, qui a pu être saupoudrée sur le corps, à moins qu'elle ne soit le vestige d'une teinture des vêtements. Des formes simples d'art sont attestées : gravures stylisées sur la pierre ou l'os, représentant parfois des sexes féminins ou des animaux. À l'aurignacien succède le gravettien.
Auriol (Vincent),
homme politique (Revel, Haute-Garonne, 1884 - Paris 1966).
Fils de boulanger, il obtient son doctorat en droit à Toulouse, où il fonde en 1905 le journal le Midi socialiste. En 1914, il est élu député socialiste dans l'arrondissement de Muret et devient très rapidement un proche de Léon Blum, qu'il suit au congrès de Tours dans la minorité fidèle à la SFIO. Spécialiste des finances à la Chambre, président de la commission des Finances pendant le Cartel des gauches (1924-1926), il est choisi par Léon Blum comme ministre des Finances du Front populaire, de juin 1936 à juin 1937. Malgré ses promesses électorales, Auriol est obligé de dévaluer le franc dans de mauvaises conditions. Redevenu simple député, il fait partie, le 10 juillet 1940, des quatre-vingts parlementaires qui refusent de voter les pleins pouvoirs au maréchal Pétain. Placé en résidence surveillée par Vichy, il s'échappe et gagne Londres en octobre 1943. Député de la Haute-Garonne en octobre 1945, ministre du général de Gaulle en novembre, président des deux Assemblées constituantes, il se bat pour l'adoption de la Constitution. En janvier 1947, il est élu par le Congrès, au premier tour, premier président de la IVe République. Fidèle à l'esprit de la Constitution, il voit dans ce poste une « magistrature morale », et n'intervient pas directement dans les décisions politiques, ce qui ne l'empêche pas d'occuper une place importante de conseil et d'exercer son influence.
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