La fidélité au catholicisme dans la France rurale se caractérise ainsi par une distribution périphérique qui privilégie les marges de l'Ouest, du Nord-Ouest, de l'Est, du sud-est du Massif central et de l'extrême Sud-Ouest, par rapport à l'ensemble plus ou moins profondément déchristianisé du grand Bassin parisien, prolongé par le Limousin et l'Aquitaine, et, dans une moindre mesure, par la Provence. La publication des Matériaux Boulard, entreprise depuis 1982 à l'échelle des grandes régions françaises, ainsi que la convergence d'autres enquêtes contribuent à faire de la carte religieuse de la France un formidable instrument d'investigation et de questionnement.
Pourquoi y a-t-il eu déchristianisation ? Depuis quand ? Et comment rendre compte de telles disparités géographiques ? Depuis plusieurs décennies, la Carte Boulard invite les historiens à une recherche rétrospective qui s'efforce de dater, quantifier et cartographier le phénomène en fonction des sources disponibles et de suggérer des interprétations. Ainsi, la distribution périphérique des dynamiques du catholicisme français a-t-elle été tour à tour vérifiée, pour le XIXe siècle, par des indices aussi divers que le recrutement des prêtres, des religieux et des religieuses, les dons à l'Œuvre de la propagation de la foi, la demande d'indulgences en cour de Rome ou le recrutement des zouaves pontificaux. La confrontation cartographique la plus saisissante est celle établie par l'historien américain Timothy Tackett à partir des statistiques du serment imposé en 1791 au clergé paroissial lors de la mise en place de la Constitution civile du clergé. Prêtres constitutionnels et prêtres réfractaires occupent, à peu de chose près, l'espace des futures régions déchristianisées et fidèles des XIXe et XXe siècles : la Bretagne et l'Ouest intérieur, la Flandre, la Franche-Comté, les hautes terres du Massif central, le Pays basque, sont massivement réfractaires, quand le Bassin parisien, la Bourgogne, le Limousin, la Provence, s'engagent non moins massivement dans l'Église « nationale » et « régénérée » mise en place par l'Assemblée constituante. Le choix effectué par le clergé à l'aube de la Révolution sera ensuite consacré par la déchristianisation de l'an II (émigration ou persécution des réfractaires d'une part, déprêtrisation des constitutionnels de l'autre).
L'État, sa politique religieuse et ses doctrines ont ainsi pesé lourd dans les fidélités ou les détachements religieux : c'est dans les régions tardivement agrégées à l'espace français que la déchristianisation semble, dans le long terme, avoir été en définitive la plus faible.
décime,
imposition sur les revenus des biens ecclésiastiques, établie par le pape Clément III en 1188 afin de financer la troisième croisade.
Pour en fixer le montant, il faut connaître le revenu annuel et les charges, car le titulaire d'un bénéfice doit payer non pas la dixième partie de tous ses revenus bruts, mais la dixième partie après déduction des charges. L'estimation est faite par les agents du fisc pontifical, et la perception, assurée par des agents spéciaux, les collecteurs.
D'exceptionnelle à l'origine, la décime tend à devenir, dans le courant du XIIIe siècle, un impôt plus ou moins régulier, que le renforcement de la centralisation pontificale et les besoins financiers sans cesse accrus semblent justifier. Les souverains pontifes peuvent ainsi décréter de lever une ou plusieurs décimes pour une ou plusieurs années. Mais il leur arrive aussi, pour diminuer les charges du clergé, et en tenant compte de l'appauvrissement des temporels, d'accorder détaxes ou exemptions : en 1363, Urbain V réduit de moitié la décime de certains diocèses du royaume de France, une mesure qu'étendra Grégoire XI en 1372-1374. Impôt papal, la décime est fréquemment concédée aux souverains pour qu'ils mènent diverses entreprises. Mais il arrive que ceux-ci la lèvent sans en référer au pape, provoquant ainsi une grave crise - par exemple, en 1296-1298, entre Philippe le Bel et Boniface VIII. À partir de la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, les assemblées du clergé de France votent le « contrat de décime », c'est-à-dire la taxe « accordée » au roi, en réalité à sa demande, et pour laquelle une entente a été préalablement conclue. Son montant annuel s'élève à 1,3 million de livres. Dès 1621, le roi exige une subvention supplémentaire : le « don gratuit ». La Constitution civile du clergé mettra fin à ce système en 1790.
décolonisation
La dislocation de l'empire colonial français a suivi de peu la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
Entre 1945 et 1962, la France renonce à sa souveraineté sur la majeure partie de ses possessions hors d'Europe. Elle conserve pourtant les départements et territoires d'outre-mer, et une vaste zone d'influence en Afrique.
Le fragile apogée de l'empire colonial
Les lendemains de la Seconde Guerre mondiale apparaissent, à la fois, comme l'apogée et le commencement de la fin de l'empire colonial. Après une tentative pour lui donner une organisation constitutionnelle durable sous le nom d'« Union française », en 1945 et 1946, celui-ci a été miné par une succession ininterrompue de conflits sanglants, entre 1945 et 1962 : guerre d'Indochine (1946-1954), troubles en Tunisie et au Maroc (1952-1955), guerre d'Algérie (1954-1962). Cependant, la politique française a su évoluer assez tôt pour émanciper les pays d'Afrique noire sans crise majeure.
La Seconde Guerre mondiale a simultanément parachevé le ralliement de l'opinion publique française à l'idée coloniale, et déclenché un processus inéluctable de décolonisation.
Plus encore que le premier, le second conflit mondial a démontré l'importance de l'empire pour la puissance française. Durant « la drôle de guerre », l'empire se prépare à jouer le même rôle que pendant la Grande Guerre : un réservoir d'hommes (soldats et travailleurs), de produits et de capitaux. Puis l'invasion allemande du 10 mai 1940 et l'entrée en guerre de l'Italie, le 10 juin, en font un enjeu stratégique et politique majeur. L'éventualité de prolonger la Résistance, après l'occupation de la métropole, en transférant en Afrique du Nord le siège du pouvoir politique et le maximum de moyens militaires (aviation, flotte, troupes terrestres) venant étoffer les forces coloniales, divise le gouvernement de Paul Reynaud. Quand Pétain demande et accepte l'armistice (signé le 22 juin 1940 avec l'Allemagne, et le 24 juin avec l'Italie), il se conforme à l'idée que quitter la métropole reviendrait à déserter le territoire national : le maréchal considère l'empire comme une possession de la France, et non comme la « France d'outre-mer ».
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