Personnage singulier dans la vie politique française, Mendès France, dont les passages au pouvoir furent brefs, mais qui essuya des attaques virulentes, reste à la fois une figure majeure de la mémoire de la gauche française et l'incarnation d'une volonté politique hors du commun.
mendicité (dépôts de),
établissements d'internement destinés en principe à recevoir les vagabonds condamnés à des peines de détention par la justice prévôtale.
Leur création s'inscrit dans le contexte d'un renforcement de la répression de la mendicité consécutif à l'ordonnance criminelle de 1764. Celle-ci instaure, dès la première inculpation, de lourdes peines d'emprisonnement, jusqu'alors réservées aux récidivistes. Ainsi, la durée minimale de détention est fixée à trois ans, assortis du travail obligatoire. Une telle politique pénale, qui entraîne une importante augmentation de la population carcérale, nécessite la création de lieux de détention spécifiques. En 1767, la monarchie décide la création de 33 dépôts de mendicité répartis dans chaque généralité et placés sous la responsabilité des intendants.
Dans la réalité, les dépôts deviennent rapidement des dépotoirs surpeuplés. Le penchant des intendants à y envoyer indistinctement toutes sortes de délinquants et l'incapacité financière de la monarchie à augmenter leur capacité d'accueil imposent une réduction des durées de détention. En outre, le continuel renouvellement de la population délinquante empêche très souvent l'organisation du travail carcéral. Enfin, la promiscuité et la mauvaise qualité de l'alimentation provoquent une forte mortalité. Malgré une éphémère suppression voulue par Turgot qui leur préférait les ateliers de charité (1775-1777), les dépôts de mendicité subsistent jusqu'à la Révolution, où ils sont remplacés par des « maisons de répression » dont la vocation est identique.
Bien que n'ayant jamais rempli leur fonction initiale, les dépôts de mendicité marquent une étape importante dans la genèse de la prison pénale. Recevant des délinquants détenus en vertu de décisions de justice, ils institutionnalisent l'enfermement et dotent l'État d'un réseau d'établissements carcéraux.
Ménétra (Jacques Louis),
artisan vitrier (Paris 1738 - id. 1803 ?).
La vie de Jacques Louis Ménétra n'est pas de celles que l'histoire, au sens où l'entend la conscience collective, retient habituellement : il n'a rien inventé, n'a créé aucune œuvre majeure, n'a joué aucun rôle dans les événements de son temps. Artisan parmi les artisans, il est un anonyme. Ménétra a pourtant pris la plume pour raconter sa vie : son enfance parisienne, son tour de France comme compagnon entre 1757 et 1764, sa vie affective et professionnelle, le regard qu'il porte sur la Révolution. Étudié et publié par l'historien Daniel Roche en 1982, le Journal de ma vie est un témoignage unique sur la culture populaire au XVIIIe siècle. Certes, Ménétra ne parle pas au nom de tous les oubliés de l'histoire. Mais ses écrits permettent de donner vie de manière exceptionnelle aux connaissances, le plus souvent extérieures, que l'on a des classes dominées. De ce point de vue, Ménétra a une conscience claire, et pour ainsi dire revendicative, de sa situation sociale : sa prise de parole cherche à affirmer une différence culturelle en rupture avec les normes officielles, et son écriture même, volontairement sans ponctuation, entend signifier cette différenciation. Sa démarche est indissociable de l'évolution d'un siècle qui passe insensiblement d'une société d'ordres à une société de classes, et elle est caractéristique du travail autobiographique qui constitue à la fois une construction et une rhétorique de l'identité (Ménétra est contemporain de Rousseau, qu'il a probablement rencontré). Comme l'explique Daniel Roche, « la leçon de ce texte étranger à la culture des lettrés, et dont l'auteur s'acharne à nier la valeur, est d'affirmer une morale de la fidélité à soi-même dans la liberté ».
Issu d'une famille de très ancienne noblesse, Menou se voue à la carrière des armes et devient colonel en 1788. L'année suivante, élu aux États généraux, il rallie le Tiers ; à la Constituante, qu'il préside en 1790, il fait décréter l'adoption du drapeau tricolore comme emblème national. En 1793, il est envoyé en Vendée, où il gagne le grade de général de division. Mais il est mis à la retraite peu après, à la suite d'une accusation de Robespierre. Rappelé en 1795, il est chargé du désarmement du faubourg Saint-Antoine lors des émeutes de prairial, ce qui lui vaut le commandement en chef de l'armée de l'Intérieur. Puis, nouveau retournement : jugé inefficace lors de la répression de l'insurrection royaliste du 13 vendémiaire an IV (5 octobre 1795), il est relevé de ses fonctions. C'est en 1798 que sa carrière rebondit, lorsque Bonaparte l'emmène avec lui en Égypte : il est nommé gouverneur de la province de Rosette, puis chef de l'armée d'Orient après l'assassinat de Kléber (14 juin 1800). Marié à une Égyptienne, converti à l'islam, ce général républicain prend, en quelques mois, des mesures importantes pour réorganiser administrativement le pays. Le 31 août 1801, il doit pourtant capituler devant les Anglais. Revenu en France, il sert l'Empire jusqu'à la fin de ses jours, comme membre du Tribunat, administrateur général du Piémont (1802), gouverneur général de la Toscane (mai 1808-avril 1809) et gouverneur général de Venise (fin 1809).
mer Noire (mutinerie de la),
révolte des marins français de la flotte de la mer Noire du 19 au 21 avril 1919.
Malgré l'opposition du président des États-Unis Wilson, les pays de l'Entente interviennent à la fin de 1918 dans la guerre civile russe. Clemenceau est partisan de l'emploi de la force contre les bolcheviks. Franchet d'Esperey commande le débarquement des troupes à Odessa, officiellement pour protéger du matériel livré à la Russie, officieusement pour soutenir les généraux blancs contre l'Armée rouge. Les mauvaises conditions de vie, la poursuite de la guerre, le sentiment de solidarité avec les bolcheviks, poussent les marins à la révolte. L'ingénieur mécanicien André Marty prend la tête de la mutinerie : fils d'un condamné à mort de la Commune, il s'est engagé dans la marine en 1907, après avoir été le témoin de la fraternisation entre l'armée et les viticulteurs du Languedoc. La mutinerie dure trois jours, mais son retentissement est grand. Clemenceau, craignant que l'agitation ne se développe en France et n'alimente un courant révolutionnaire, décide d'évacuer Odessa et de rapatrier le corps expéditionnaire. André Marty est traduit devant le Conseil de guerre, qui le condamne à vingt ans de travaux forcés, peine ramenée en 1921 à quinze ans. Soutenu par une campagne de presse orchestrée par le Parti communiste, élu lors d'élections partielles, il est amnistié en 1923. La mutinerie de la mer Noire symbolise l'opposition à la guerre « impérialiste » et le soutien à la révolution russe.
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