L'idéologie de l'Action française a survécu à la disparition du quotidien en 1944. Plusieurs épigones ont repris le flambeau : en 1947, Aspects de la France, fondé par Maurice Pujo (qui redevient l'Action Française Hebdo en 1993) ; en 1955, la Nation française, créée par Pierre Boutang. Au début des années quatre-vingt-dix, de jeunes étudiants maurrassiens fondent une revue – éphémère – Réaction, dont le manifeste s'exprime ainsi : « En réaction à l'atomisation de la société actuelle, le nationalisme constitue la défense la plus sûre de notre héritage charnel et spirituel. »
Adalbéron de Laon,
évêque de Laon (vers 947 - 1030).
Né dans une famille lorraine apparentée aux Carolingiens, Aldabéron est élevé à l'abbaye de Gorze, près de Metz, foyer de culture et d'ascétisme qui bénéficie du renouveau monastique du Xe siècle. Fidèle du roi carolingien Lothaire, il devient son chancelier, puis obtient de lui l'évêché de Laon, en 977. À la mort de Lothaire, en 986, il prend parti pour Hugues Capet : avec son oncle Aldalbéron, archevêque de Reims, il est l'un des promoteurs du changement dynastique de 987 en faveur des Capétiens. Mais il se dédit à plusieurs reprises, complote avec Eudes de Blois contre Hugues Capet, soutient le jeune Charles de Lorraine, puis livre ce dernier à Hugues en 991, ce qui mettra fin à la dynastie des Carolingiens. Cette versatilité lui a valu, auprès de ses contemporains et des chroniqueurs, une solide réputation de traître.
Après l'an mil, Adalbéron de Laon est définitivement rallié aux Capétiens et soutient Robert le Pieux, à qui il dédie, vers 1025, le Poème au roi Robert. Sous la forme d'un dialogue avec le roi, Adalbéron décrit l'état de décrépitude du royaume et s'en prend vivement à Odilon, abbé de Cluny, à qui il reproche de s'être placé sous la tutelle directe du pape, de commander à ses « abbayes filles » et de contribuer au désordre ambiant. Pour Adalbéron, la paix nécessite que chacun connaisse sa place, et il propose une partition de la société en ordres, déterminés par les différents modes de vie. C'est ainsi que, le premier, il distingue, en s'inspirant de saint Augustin, ceux qui prient, ceux qui combattent et ceux qui travaillent. Les trois ordres ainsi définis - clergé, noblesse et tiers état - demeureront le fondement de la société française jusqu'à la Révolution.
Figure de l'inventeur héroïque et incompris, Clément Ader n'est pas seulement ce pionnier de l'aviation que la postérité a retenu. Technicien formé à l'École nationale des arts et métiers, d'abord au service des Chemins de fer du Midi, il acquiert son indépendance, sa fortune et sa notoriété à grand renfort de brevets, grâce auxquels il exploite des inventions qu'il améliore (techniques télégraphiques et véhicules). Il mène une vie sociale féconde, et participe à l'Exposition universelle de Paris en 1900. Mais, dans le domaine vierge de l'aéronautique, il fait l'expérience de l'isolement, échouant à convaincre les industriels, l'État et l'opinion publique. En outre, étant à la recherche d'un appareil plus lourd que l'air, il ne dispose pas de modèle scientifique, et tâtonne. Il mobilise toutes ses ressources : expérimentation, déduction, observation de l'anatomie et du vol des oiseaux - d'où le terme d'« avion », du latin avis, « oiseau ». Le 8 octobre 1890, son appareil, baptisé Éole I, décolle et parcourt une cinquantaine de mètres. Mais les essais de 1891 et 1897 se soldent par des échecs, et Clément Ader retourne à des inventions plus rentables. Il se retire à 64 ans et connaît alors une consécration nouvelle : l'armée de l'air, les hommes politiques de la Haute-Garonne et les journalistes commencent à écrire la légende du « père de l'aviation ».
adoubement,
cérémonie d'entrée en chevalerie au cours de laquelle le nouveau chevalier reçoit solennellement les armes caractéristiques de sa fonction : l'épée, la lance, l'écu, le heaume, le haubert et les éperons.
Cette remise d'armes s'accompagne de la collée, appelée encore « paumée » : un coup sur la nuque, administré du plat de la main par le parrain en chevalerie. Ce geste se transforme à la fin du Moyen Âge (XIVe et XVe siècles) en léger coup du plat de l'épée sur l'épaule.
D'origine laïque, la remise d'armes est progressivement christianisée aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles, ainsi qu'en témoignent les rituels liturgiques d'adoubement et les traités de chevalerie composés par les clercs : à la bénédiction préalable des armes, attestée dès le XIe siècle, viennent peu à peu s'ajouter une veillée de prières, un bain rituel et l'engagement moral du chevalier à protéger les opprimés et à défendre l'Église et la foi chrétienne. Le chevalier reçoit parfois lui-même la bénédiction des mains d'un prêtre. L'adoubement prend alors une dimension sacramentelle et entraîne l'admission du chevalier dans un ordre voulu par Dieu et béni par l'Église : la chevalerie. La cérémonie devient, dans le même temps, de plus en plus coûteuse et prestigieuse : elle est souvent l'occasion de fêtes somptuaires où sont célébrés l'honneur aristocratique et les vertus chevaleresques. À partir de la fin du XIIIe siècle, l'adoubement devient ainsi un rite propre aux plus fortunés des nobles.
adresse,
réponse d'une assemblée au discours du trône ouvrant la session parlementaire, en usage en France de 1814 à 1848 et de 1861 à 1867.
Tradition anglaise adoptée par les assemblées napoléoniennes dans leur réponse à la présentation de la Charte de 1814 « octroyée » par Louis XVIII, elle devient un moyen de pression sur l'exécutif, surtout en 1830 avec « l'adresse des 221 » demandant un ministère qui ait la confiance des députés, point de départ de la révolution de Juillet. Sous Louis-Philippe, elle bloque, entre autres, un projet d'expédition coloniale à Madagascar, et, en janvier 1848, sa discussion permet à l'opposition de dénoncer l'immobilisme de Guizot. Sans objet sous la République, elle ne renaît pas sous l'Empire autoritaire, où les députés sont marginalisés. Mais le droit d'adresse est rétabli par le décret du 24 novembre 1860, fondant l'Empire dit « libéral ». Les débats occupent alors un à deux mois par an et sont le moment privilégié où s'expriment des oppositions internes au régime. Dès 1861, les élus catholiques critiquent la politique menée en Italie ; en 1864, 45 députés demandent un « sage progrès » vers le libéralisme ; en 1866, ils sont 63 à voter un amendement d'inspiration orléaniste.
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