Toutefois, les historiens hésitent quant à la date de « décès » du Front populaire, tant la situation reste ambiguë jusqu'en novembre 1938. Le cabinet formé en avril par Édouard Daladier ne comprend plus de socialistes, et comporte, pour la première fois depuis 1936, des modérés ; cependant, il ne s'engage pas immédiatement sur la question des quarante heures. Celles-ci ne seront remises en cause qu'en novembre 1938 par le ministre des Finances nouvellement nommé, Paul Reynaud, un homme du centre droit. À partir de cette date, Daladier s'appuie sur une nouvelle majorité formée par les radicaux, le centre et la droite. Dans le même temps, les problèmes extérieurs achèvent de séparer les socialistes et les communistes. Les accords de Munich, signés en septembre 1938 par Daladier, Chamberlain, Mussolini et Hitler, entérinent l'annexion d'une partie de la Tchécoslovaquie par l'Allemagne. Beaucoup de socialistes, par pacifisme, accueillent favorablement ces accords, tandis que les communistes y sont catégoriquement hostiles. Le retrait des radicaux du Comité du rassemblement, le 12 novembre 1938, et l'échec du mot d'ordre de grève lancé par la CGT pour le 30 novembre scellent définitivement le sort de la coalition créée au soir du 14 juillet 1935.
Considéré du point de vue de son enracinement historique, le Front populaire a illustré l'absence de contradiction entre la tradition républicaine et le mouvement ouvrier. L'épisode n'en est pas moins révélateur des temps nouveaux : l'affaiblissement du Parti radical au profit des partis ouvriers (PCF, SFIO), la transformation du Parti communiste en parti de masse, l'influence des luttes sociales sur le jeu politique, mettent en cause les équilibres politiques réalisés sous la République parlementaire, alors que, dans la société, le poids des salariés s'accroît, au détriment des classes moyennes, pilier du régime. À partir du Front populaire, l'État républicain étend son champ d'intervention à de nombreux aspects de la vie collective - politique conjoncturelle, réglementation du travail et arbitrage social, politique culturelle, etc. Il élabore ainsi un nouveau compromis, appelé à durer sur une très longue période, bien au-delà de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En cela réside sans doute le véritable héritage du Front populaire.
Front républicain,
alliance de gauche et de centre gauche (Parti communiste exclu) formée, après la dissolution de l'Assemblée le 2 décembre 1955, en vue des élections législatives de janvier 1956.
Dominée par la personnalité de Pierre Mendès France, cette coalition rassemble la SFIO et les ailes gauches des radicaux, du gaullisme (les républicains sociaux) et de l'UDSR, et s'oppose au centre droit - Edgar Faure et Antoine Pinay -, aux communistes et aux poujadistes.
À l'occasion d'une démarche commune de Guy Mollet, de Pierre Mendès France, de Jacques Chaban-Delmas et de François Mitterrand contre « la censure à la radio », l'Express, de tendance mendésiste, titre « Protestation du Front républicain ». Référence explicite au Front populaire, cette expression, martelée par le journal, est reprise par tous. L'Express accorde même des bonnets phrygiens, symbole de son soutien, aux candidats qui lui semblent proches des positions mendésistes. Il décerne parfois cette distinction à plusieurs candidats par circonscription : les membres du Front sont en effet souvent en position de concurrence devant les urnes, mais tous se prononcent pour la paix négociée en Algérie, le progrès social et la modernisation. Le 2 janvier, jour du vote, aucune majorité claire ne se dessine vraiment, mais le scrutin est marqué par un recul du centre droit et une poussée des mendésistes et des poujadistes. Toutefois, l'hostilité du MRP envers Mendès France conduit le président Coty à demander à Guy Mollet, plus susceptible de rassembler une majorité, de former le gouvernement. Celui-ci restera président du Conseil durant seize mois, record de durée des ministères de la IVe République.
À la fin des années quatre-vingt, l'expression « Front républicain » sera reprise pour désigner des accords de désistement réciproque entre des candidats de gauche et de droite modérée pour barrer la route à des prétendants du Front national bien placés au premier tour.
Frotté (Marie Pierre Louis, comte de),
chef de la chouannerie normande (Alençon, Orne, 1755 - Verneuil, Eure, 1800).
Officier avant la Révolution, Frotté émigre en 1791, et combat dans l'armée des frères de Louis XVI, puis dans celle de Condé, avant de rejoindre l'Angleterre en 1794. Nommé lieutenant général en 1795, il est chargé par le comte de Puisaye d'organiser l'insurrection royaliste en Normandie, et met sur pied une armée de 400 hommes - les « chevaliers de la Couronne » - qui mène une guérilla efficacecontre les « bleus ». Cependant, en 1796, après la désastreuse expédition de Quiberon, qui se conclut par la dispersion des insurgés vendéens, et la pacification de l'Ouest, entraînant la soumission de la plupart des chefs chouans, Frotté, isolé, est contraint de cesser le combat. Installé à Londres, il revient régulièrement en France. En fructidor an V (septembre 1797), il assiste ainsi, avec d'autres chefs royalistes, à des réunions parisiennes pour tenter d'empêcher le coup d'État du 18. Lorsque la chouannerie est relancée dans l'Ouest en 1797, il reprend deux années plus tard la tête de ses maigres troupes, en prévision de l'insurrection générale préparée depuis Londres par le comte d'Artois, futur Charles X. Mais les opérations militaires échouent, et, tandis que Cadoudal, Bourmont ou d'Autichamp mettent bas les armes après le coup d'État de Bonaparte du 18 brumaire, Frotté continue à se battre. Il accepte cependant de négocier sa soumission, mais est arrêté, jugé par une commission militaire, et fusillé avec ses officiers, le 18 février 1800. Cette exécution, ordonnée dans une période de trêve, sera longtemps reprochée à Bonaparte.
fructidor an V (coup d'État du 18),
coup de force du 4 septembre 1797 annulant la victoire électorale royaliste.
Première rupture du Directoire avec la légalité, le 18 fructidor inaugure ce que l'on appelle le « second Directoire », marqué, jusqu'au coup d'État du 18 brumaire an VIII (9 novembre 1799), par une série d'infractions à la Constitution.
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