• Mais le cadre général de leur action demeure celui du mercantilisme, au service de la gloire du souverain et non du bonheur des peuples. La réforme n'est en fait que l'instrument d'une politique de grandeur que rien ne distingue de l'absolutisme du siècle précédent. Pour éclairés qu'ils se déclarent, ces monarques n'en restent pas moins des despotes, à la façon d'un Louis XIV.
Aussi, le rapprochement qui s'opère à partir de 1740 entre Philosophes et monarques « éclairés », sur la base d'une lutte commune contre les vieilles structures féodales et l'obscurantisme de l'Église, s'avère-t-il très ambigu. La modernisation forcée apparaît comme un raccourci illusoire. Le bonheur des peuples ne peut guère s'octroyer d'en haut, sans leur consentement. Or le despotisme éclairé peut accepter la liberté civile, mais nullement la liberté politique. Pendant longtemps, cela n'a guère gêné les Philosophes, qui n'imaginaient pas que les peuples, pour l'heure insuffisamment éduqués et englués dans leurs préjugés, puissent avoir leur mot à dire. Mais, séjournant en Prusse ou en Russie, ils finissent par prendre conscience que ce qu'ils ont tenu pour l'avènement de la raison et de l'État n'est que le triomphe de la raison d'État. Loin d'être les purs instruments du progrès vers la constitution un État moderne bientôt soumis à la seule loi de la Raison, les souverains privilégient leurs intérêts dynastiques. En outre, s'ils combattent le pouvoir ecclésiastique, ils s'appuient sur l'aristocratie, confortent son assise sociale, étendent le servage, à rebours des idéaux émancipateurs des Lumières.
À la fin du siècle, quand s'affirme à travers toute l'Europe une aspiration générale à la liberté, le réformisme autoritaire n'est plus supporté. En 1789, les provinces belges se soulèvent contre Joseph II. L'échec de la formule du despotisme éclairé était inscrit dans sa teneur même. Dès 1770, les Philosophes ont dû déchanter.
Destour,
parti libéral constitutionnel tunisien - destour signifie Constitution -, qui apparaît sur la scène politique en juin 1920.
Ses fondateurs, les bourgeois nationalistes Abdelaziz Taalbi et Ahmed Sakka, réclamant un allègement du protectorat de la France et, surtout, la mise en place d'une Constitution avec Assemblée élue et séparation des pouvoirs. En dépit d'une consultation rendue en sa faveur par deux juristes parisiens, et d'une large implantation dans le pays, ce parti, officiellement organisé en mai 1921, connaît des débuts difficiles (conflit avec le bey Naceur, création par les autorités françaises de conseils élus) et, à partir de 1926, entre en léthargie. Il reprend vie à partir de 1930, sous l'impulsion de jeunes intellectuels de formation française, tel l'avocat Habib Bourguiba. Au congrès de Ksar Hellal (mars 1934), ces éléments rompent avec la direction et fondent le Néo-Destour, qui organise bientôt d'importantes manifestations auxquelles le résident général, haut fonctionnaire français, réplique par diverses mesures de rigueur. La « guerre des deux Destours » tourne bientôt à l'avantage des novateurs, partisans d'une modernisation et d'une laïcisation de l'État. À la suite des émeutes d'avril 1938, le Néo-Destour est dissous et ses dirigeants sont arrêtés. Après une période d'effacement pendant la guerre, il retrouve son influence à partir du congrès clandestin d'août 1946 et du deuxième retour de Bourguiba (1947). Sous l'impulsion de ce dernier, il va s'imposer comme la principale formation nationaliste du pays et jouer un rôle déterminant dans sa marche vers l'indépendance. Parti unique de la Tunisie indépendante de 1957 à 1981, il a pris le nom de Parti socialiste destourien en 1964, puis celui de Rassemblement constitutionnel démocratique en 1988.
Dettingen (bataille de),
bataille perdue par les Français face aux Anglais, le 27 juin 1743, durant la guerre de la Succession d'Autriche.
Après l'abandon de la Bavière par le maréchal de Broglie, qui désobéissait ainsi aux ordres de Versailles, les opérations se portent au nord, dans l'Électorat de Mayence. Nommé à la place de de Broglie, le maréchal de Noailles contraint lord Stairs et George II d'Angleterre à évacuer Aschaffenburg pour faire retraite vers Francfort. Noailles veut couper la route à l'ennemi en faisant franchir le Main à son neveu, le duc de Gramont, qui doit s'établir sur la rive gauche, à Dettingen, et n'en plus bouger. Mais, désireux de briller, Gramont se lance à l'attaque à découvert avec le régiment des gardes-françaises. Accueillie par l'artillerie, la troupe cède à la panique. Les officiers tentent vainement de rallier leurs hommes ; le marquis de Puységur tue des fuyards de sa propre main. Cependant, Noailles évite le pire en battant en retraite avec le gros de ses forces.
Les pertes sont égales dans les deux camps, et les conséquences stratégiques, minces. Mais le gouvernement veut cacher la défaite, ce qui accentue l'indignation de l'opinion. Frédéric II de Prusse peut écrire à Voltaire : « Vos Français se laissent battre comme des lâches. » Autant que l'indiscipline de la troupe, c'est celle de certains chefs que révèle cette campagne de 1743 ; une crise morale dont l'armée française ne sortira qu'avec la victoire de Fontenoy.
deux cents familles (les),
désignation péjorative - particulièrement utilisée dans l'entre-deux-guerres - d'une oligarchie économique supposée détenir des pouvoirs démesurés.
Le thème fait son entrée en politique en 1934, au congrès du Parti radical, où Édouard Daladier clame : « Deux cents familles tiennent les rênes de l'économie française et, en fait, de la vie politique française [...], placent leurs mandataires dans les cabinets politiques, [...] contrôlent la presse. » Cette dénonciation se rencontre aussi au Parti communiste, et, le 2 mai 1936, à la veille des élections législatives, l'Humanité titre : « Assurer la défaite des deux cents familles ». Mais Paul Reynaud s'y réfère également, et on trouve l'expression jusque sous la plume de Bertrand de Jouvenel, alors proche de Jacques Doriot. C'est, à l'époque, le lieu commun le plus répandu, même s'il n'est pas nouveau : en 1869, dans l'Empire industriel, le proudhonien Georges Duchêne s'en prenait déjà à « deux cents nababs » et, en 1910, selon l'économiste François Delaisi, cinquante-cinq personnes contrôlent le pays (la Démocratie et les financiers).
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