• La Genève calvinienne n'est pas une théocratie : l'autorité temporelle peut intervenir lorsque l'Église a besoin qu'une coercition soit exercée, mais l'Église a pour mission de rappeler à l'État ses finalités. Le système ainsi mis en place n'est pas sans rencontrer des contestations, qui émanent de la notabilité bourgeoise ou de dissidents religieux, tel Michel Servet, condamné au bûcher en 1553. Il tire sa force de la dynamique même du travail de Calvin, ministre de la Parole, professeur, commentateur des livres bibliques, polémiste, rédacteur de multiples lettres adressées aux fidèles de toute l'Europe. En résumé, la pensée calvinienne se fonde sur le « constat » d'un écart entre la toute-puissance de Dieu et la corruption de l'homme, incapable, du fait du péché d'Adam, de connaître Dieu par sa propre volonté. C'est à partir de l'appréhension de la majesté divine que l'appel d'une foi donnée par Dieu peut être reçu : la foi, qui fait de l'homme un réceptacle de la souveraineté de Dieu, dispose du fil directeur qu'est l'Écriture, expression de la miséricorde divine appréhendée dans l'illumination du Saint-Esprit. Calvin élabore ainsi une théologie de la grâce sécurisante, fondée sur la promesse gratuite donnée en Jésus-Christ, mais aussi sur une prédestination double, prédestination au salut ou à la damnation éternelle. Il refuse le culte des images et des reliques, nie l'existence du Purgatoire. Il considère que les sacrements ne sont que de simples signes qui entretiennent la foi et n'en conserve que deux : le baptême, témoignage de ce que l'homme est dans une promesse de purification du péché, et la Cène, mémorial et assurance du rachat, présence réelle spirituelle. La vie chrétienne est définie comme une éthique exigeant humilité, mesure, espérance et certitude, une célébration continue de la gloire de Dieu. Calvin reconnaît par ailleurs au magistrat la détention d'un office divin qui fait de lui le « protecteur » de la chose publique et qui interdit au sujet de se rebeller, sauf dans des conditions très particulières. Sa pensée est certainement une scansion dans le processus de « désenchantement du monde », mais l'historiographie récente met en garde contre le stéréotype qui constiturait à ne voir en Calvin que l'inventeur d'un système : elle insiste sur l'ambivalence d'un homme oscillant entre ordre et tension, pragmatisme et angoisse.
Cambacérès (Jean-Jacques-Régis de),
juriste et homme politique, archichancelier de l'Empire et duc de Parme (Montpellier 1753 - Paris 1824).
Fils d'un conseiller à la cour des comptes de Montpellier appartenant à la petite noblesse de robe, il est doté d'une solide formation de juriste, et, en 1774, devient conseiller à la cour des aides de Montpellier. En relation avec les milieux parisiens, il est séduit par les idées nouvelles. Il participe, en 1789, à la rédaction des cahiers de doléances de la noblesse et préside, en 1791, le tribunal criminel de l'Hérault. En 1792, il est élu à la Convention, où il siège avec le Marais, et adopte une attitude ambiguë lors du procès de Louis XVI. Il est l'un des créateurs du Tribunal révolutionnaire et se montre actif dans les comités. Sous la Convention thermidorienne, il exerce des fonctions comparables à celles d'un Premier ministre. Il est membre du Conseil des Cinq-Cents sous le Directoire, jusqu'en 1797. En 1799, Sieyès l'appelle à la tête du ministère de la Justice.
Convaincu que la France a besoin d'un régime fort, conseiller estimé de Bonaparte, il soutient le coup d'État du 18 brumaire et demeure ministre de la Justice durant le Consulat provisoire, participant à la rédaction de la nouvelle Constitution. Les relations qu'il entretient avec les hommes de l'Ancien Régime et le personnel de la Révolution, dans la magistrature comme dans les milieux d'affaires, et son habileté d'homme de loi enfin le font désigner deuxième consul en décembre 1799. Dès lors, il est le grand ordonnateur des mondanités du régime, tout en jouant un rôle fondamental dans la réorganisation institutionnelle du pays : il contrôle la justice, préside le Conseil d'État et le Sénat ; il est aussi le rédacteur principal du Code civil. En 1804, il est nommé archichancelier de l'Empire : tout en conservant la haute main sur la justice, il devient le numéro deux du nouveau régime. Il assure l'intérim du pouvoir en l'absence du souverain mais manque de fermeté face à la conspiration du général Malet. Lors de la défaite de 1814, il reste fidèle à Napoléon jusqu'à son abdication, puis il adhère à l'acte de déchéance de l'Empereur. Il se maintient à l'écart de toute fonction sous la première Restauration. En dépit de ses réticences à participer à la vie publique, il sert Napoléon durant les Cent-Jours, puis doit prendre le chemin de l'exil en mars 1816. Il s'établit à Bruxelles jusqu'en décembre 1818, date à laquelle il est autorisé à rentrer en France.
Souvent décrié pour avoir aisément traversé plusieurs régimes politiques et s'être constitué une fortune qui le place au niveau de richesse d'un grand banquier, il est parvenu à détenir le pouvoir tout en évitant le danger de se placer au premier plan.
Cambon (Joseph),
homme politique (Montpellier 1756 - Saint-Joseph-en-Noode, Belgique, 1820).
Fils d'un négociant de Montpellier, il fait ses armes techniques et politiques avec son père. En 1785, il reprend les affaires de ce dernier, et, avec lui, affronte les états du Languedoc pour obtenir une meilleure représentation du Tiers aux états généraux de 1789. Il est élu député, et prête donc le serment du Jeu de paume ; mais son élection est cassée le 25 juillet, le nombre de sièges accordé au tiers état étant contesté. Membre de la municipalité parisienne, il joue le rôle de relai entre les patriotes montpelliérains et les révolutionnaires parisiens. À Montpellier, en février 1790, Cambon père fonde la Société des amis de l'Égalité, fustige le cens électoral et réclame, après Varennes, l'instauration de la République. Le fils bénéficie de la notoriété paternelle : il est élu député de l'Hérault à la Législative, où il se spécialise dans les questions financières. Membre du Comité des finances de la Convention du 10 octobre 1792 au 5 avril 1795, il défend les positions de la Montagne : contrôle de l'émission monétaire, lutte contre l'agiotage, priorité donnée à l'impôt sur le revenu. Le 22 juin 1793, il fait voter un emprunt forcé, transformé en impôt progressif avec quotient familial. Auteur du Grand Livre de la dette publique, il entend remettre de l'ordre dans les finances publiques. Il contribue, en thermidor, à la chute de Robespierre, mais le regrette assez vite, s'en faisant le reproche publiquement. Décrété d'arrestation le 16 germinal de l'an III, il passe en Suisse. Sous la Restauration, proscrit pour régicide, il doit s'exiler en Belgique.
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